Showing posts with label New Orleans. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New Orleans. Show all posts

Monday, March 25, 2013

BP's Guilty Plea For 2010 Gulf Spill Approved

BP's Guilty Plea For 2010 Gulf Spill Approved By Federal Judge
MICHAEL KUNZELMAN
01/29/2013
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/01/29/bp-guilty-plea-gulf-oil-spill_n_2571785.html

NEW ORLEANS (AP) — BP PLC closed the book on the Justice Department's criminal probe of its role in the Deepwater Horizon disaster and Gulf oil spill Tuesday, when a federal judge agreed to let the London-based oil giant plead guilty to manslaughter charges for the deaths of 11 rig workers and pay a record $4 billion in penalties.

What the plea deal approved by U.S. District Judge Sarah Vance doesn't resolve, though, is the federal government's civil claims against BP. The company could pay billions more for environmental damage from its 2010 spill.

Vance noted that the company already has racked up more than $24 billion in spill-related expenses and has estimated it will pay a total of $42 billion to fully resolve its liability for the disaster in the Gulf of Mexico.

The judge said the $4 billion criminal settlement is "just punishment" for BP, even though the company could have paid far more without going broke. In accepting the deal, Vance also cited the risk that a trial could result in a much lower fine for BP, one potentially capped by law at $8.2 million.

The criminal settlement calls for BP to pay nearly $1.3 billion in fines. The largest previous corporate criminal penalty assessed by the Justice Department was a $1.2 billion fine against drug maker Pfizer in 2009.

The plea deal also includes payments of nearly $2.4 billion to the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation and $350 million to the National Academy of Sciences. The two groups will administer the money to fund Gulf restoration and oil spill prevention projects.

The $4 billion in total penalties are 160 times greater than the $25 million fine that Exxon paid for the 1989 Valdez spill in Alaska, Vance noted.

Before she ruled, the judge heard an apology from a BP executive and emotional testimony from relatives of the 11 workers who died when BP's blown-out Macondo well triggered an explosion on the rig and started the spill.

"I've heard and I truly understand your feelings and the losses you suffered," Vance told the family members.

Keith Jones, whose 28-year-old son, Gordon, died in the rig explosion, said $4 billion isn't adequate punishment.

"It is petty cash to BP," he told Vance. "Their stock went up after this plea deal was announced."

Billy Anderson, whose 35-year-old son, Jason, of Midfield, Texas, died in the blast, recalled the trauma of watching the disaster play out on television.

"These men suffered a horrendous death," he said. "They were basically cremated alive and not at their choice."

BP agreed in November to plead guilty to charges involving the workers' deaths and for lying to Congress about the size of the spill from its broken well, which spewed more than 200 million gallons of oil. Much of it ended up in the Gulf and soiled the shorelines of several states. The company could have withdrawn from the agreement if Vance had rejected it.

BP America vice president Luke Keller apologized to the relatives of the workers who died and for the spill's environmental damage to the Gulf Coast.

"BP knows there is nothing we can say to diminish their loss," he said. "The lives lost and those forever changed will stay with us. We are truly sorry."

Most of the families of rig workers who were killed or injured in the explosion already have settled their claims against BP, through a process separate from this plea deal.

Courtney Kemp-Robertson, whose 27-year-old husband, Roy Wyatt Kemp, of Jonesville, La., died on the rig, said workers had referred to it as the "well from hell" before the explosion.

"By cutting corners, they gambled with the lives of 126 crew members to save a few dollars," she told the judge before turning to address Keller. "They gambled and you lost."

A series of government investigations have blamed the April 20, 2010, blowout on time-saving, cost-cutting decisions by BP and its partners on the drilling project.

Vance told victims' relatives who were in court that she read their "truly gut-wrenching" written statements and factored their words into her decision. She also said she believes BP executives should have personally apologized to family members long before Tuesday's hearing.

"I think BP should have done that out of basic humanity," she said.

BP also has separately agreed to a settlement with lawyers for Gulf Coast residents and businesses who claim the spill cost them money. BP estimates the deal with private attorneys will cost the company roughly $7.8 billion.

In a court filing before the hearing, attorneys for BP and the Justice Department argued that the plea agreement imposes "severe corporate punishment" and will deter BP and other deep-water drilling companies from allowing another disaster to occur.

The Justice Department has reached a separate settlement with rig owner Transocean Ltd. that resolves the government's civil and criminal claims over the Swiss-based company's role in the disaster.

Transocean agreed to plead guilty to a misdemeanor charge of violating the Clean Water Act and pay $1.4 billion in civil and criminal penalties. U.S. District Judge Jane Triche Milazzo has scheduled a Feb. 14 hearing to decide whether to accept that criminal settlement. A different judge will decide whether to accept Transocean's civil settlement.

Many relatives of rig workers who died in the blast submitted written statements that were critical of BP's deal. Vance, however, said she couldn't get involved in plea negotiations and only could impose a sentence that adheres to the agreed-upon terms if she accepted it.

Also killed were Aaron Dale "Bubba" Burkeen, 37, of Philadelphia, Miss.; Donald Clark, 49, of Newellton, La.; Stephen Ray Curtis, 40, of Georgetown, La.; Karl Kleppinger Jr., 38, of Natchez, Miss.; Keith Blair Manuel, 56, of Gonzales, La.; Dewey A. Revette, 48, of State Line, Miss.; Shane M. Roshto, 22, of Liberty, Miss.; and Adam Weise, 24, Yorktown, Texas.

In other criminal cases, four current or former BP employees have been indicted. BP rig supervisors Robert Kaluza and Donald Vidrine are charged with manslaughter, accused of repeatedly disregarding abnormal high-pressure readings that should have been glaring indications of trouble just before the blowout.

David Rainey, BP's former vice president of exploration for the Gulf of Mexico, was charged with withholding information from Congress about the amount of oil that was gushing from the well.

Former BP engineer Kurt Mix was charged with deleting text messages about the company's spill response.

Sunday, October 9, 2011

Me & Lee


http://www.meandlee.com/

Judyth Vary Baker was once a promising science student who dreamed of finding a cure for cancer, but strayed from a path of mainstream scholarship at the University of Florida to a life of espionage in New Orleans with Lee Harvey Oswald.

In her memoir, Me & Lee – How I came to know, love and lose Lee Harvey Oswald, Judyth offers extensive documentation of how she came to be involved with cancer research at such a young age, the personalities who recruited her to move to New Orleans in 1963, how she was hired there – along with Lee Oswald – by Reily Coffee Co. and fired the same afternoon Lee was arrested for disturbing the peace on Canal Street, and how she became a participant in the development of a biological weapon that Oswald was to smuggle into Cuba to eliminate Fidel Castro.

Judyth shows the evidence and relates – from her first-hand experience – all she knows about the Kennedy assassination, her love affair with Lee Oswald over the summer of '63, her conversations with him as late as two days before JFK's death, his role as a deep-cover intelligence agent who was framed for an assassination he was actually trying to prevent, and how he was silenced by his old friend Jack Ruby.

From the flaps of Me & Lee cover dustjacket:

"If you want to stay alive, it's time to go into the catacombs. Promise me you will keep your mouth shut!"

Judyth Vary Baker was only twenty years old when she heard those alarming words. It was the strained voice of David Ferrie.

The date was November 23, 1963, the day after President Kennedy had been fatally shot in Dallas. Her co-worker, friend and lover, Lee Oswald, had been declared the "lone-nut" assassin.

Judyth knew this wasn't true, but what could she do? She was now living in Florida with her new husband, Robert Baker III, having left New Orleans in September of 1963 when Lee moved to Dallas after their summer-long affair.

Then came November 24th. Lee was shot — live on television — right before her eyes. Devastated, depressed and scared,

Judyth was told to lay low, to be a "vanilla girl," to trade her silence for her life. She knew things, secret things.

Judyth made a decision. She dropped her childhood dreams of finding a cure for cancer along with her first love: science.

Choosing survival, she soon buried herself in her family (raising five kids), her work and art. She resolved that, one day, she would tell her story. She would speak the truth so Lee's children, whom he adored, would know what their father really did and what he really stood for.

As a high school student, Judyth had independently discovered a method of accelerating cancer growth in lab mice, and came to the attention of top-echelon doctors and medical researchers, including renowned surgeon Dr. Alton Ochsner, a past president of the American Cancer Society and founder of the world-famous Ochsner Clinic in New Orleans.

After her sophomore year of college in Florida, Judyth landed a summer job in New Orleans with prominent cancer researcher Dr. Mary Sherman, a physician working with Dr. Ochsner.

Within days of her arrival, a man named Lee Oswald just happened to be standing in line behind her at the post office. This seemingly chance encounter began a relationship which drew her through the looking glass into a maelstrom, changing her life forever.

She soon found that, instead of working to find a cure for cancer, she was actually helping to create a super-cancer virus for the purpose of killing Fidel Castro. But there was an even more sinister side.

Over the next few months Judyth met several infamous figures surrounding Oswald: the fanatical ex-FBI right-wing racist Guy Banister, Mafia Godfather Carlos Marcello, club-owner Jack Ruby, and many others. She also became a friend and workmate of the brilliant but bizarre David Ferrie.

Unlike any other book about the events of that fateful year, "Me & Lee" is a deeply personal memoir relating the author's firsthand experience in New Orleans as lover and confidante of Lee Harvey Oswald.

Tuesday, September 6, 2011

Hamptons Hurricane: A Bankers' Katrina

Greg Palast
August 26, 2011
GregPalast.com

Don't worry: the bankers are safe. The sub-prime sharks, derivatives divas, media mavens and their hairdressers, their trophy wives and their trophies' personal trainers, the movers and shakers and money-makers, are all out of danger. Despite the warning that in a couple of days Hurricane Irene could well hit The Hamptons, the beach of the best of the ruling class will not lose a tan line.

I made sure they're safe. A couple of decades ago, I worked on an emergency evacuation plan for the county of Suffolk, New York, home of the Hamptons. It's the wealthiest county in the United States.

The Hamptons' hurricane plan is six volumes thick. The police and the politicians, the fire department and the first responders have their copies, their orders, their equipment and they are ready to roll before a single fake-blonde curl is ruffled by untoward weather.

The last hurricane to hit Long Island, far fiercer than Katrina, took two lives, not 2,000.

But then, the Hamptons isn't New Orleans, is it?

In 1992, a big storm washed into 190 houses on West Hampton Dunes, getting many grade-B film scripts very wet. The federal government, with your tax dollars, rebuilt every single home on the beach (average value then, $2 million each)—and even rebuilt the beach with an endless samba line of trucks filled with sand, care of the Army Corps of Engineers.


There's a photo of one, in case you'd like to move in. (Shouldn't we each get at least a weekend in the surf for our money?)



Now look at Patricia Thomas' home in the Lafitte Housing Project in New Orleans. I met her a year after the city flooded; she and her cousin and her cousin's two kids, just off the bus from refugee centers in Texas, were told that if they returned to their homes, they would be arrested. It's been six years and they still are not allowed back in. Doesn't matter: three years ago, their houses were torn down to make way for yuppie condos, for the nouvelle carpetbaggers who will enjoy Lafitte's locale near the French Quarter.

Last year, a judge ruled that the Army Corps of Engineers and the federal government were completely responsible for the flooding of Lafitte and half the city. [See the film 'Big Easy to Big Empty.']

Under the Constitution, the President and Congress must authorize payment to flood victims, as they did for the Westhampton luvvies. But for the Thomas family, Obama requested, and Congress, appropriated ... absolutely nothing.

What about the New Orleans evacuation plan? Where were their six volumes? When I watched the chaos in August 2005, I immediately called FEMA to ask for a copy of the plan. Why were there no busses to take out those without cars? The number of deaths should have been ZERO.

The answer: the New Orleans plan couldn't be found. The company paid to draft it, Innovative Emergency Management, couldn't find a copy either. Long after 2,000 drowned, I found the "plan": no provision at all for the 27,000 residents without cars. That's not surprising: the hurricane evacuation contractor had zero experience in hurricane evacuation. Rather, IEM's chief did have lots of experience in donating to the Republican Party.

This week marks the sixth anniversary of the biggest ethnic cleansing in America since the Indian wars of the 19th Century: the flooding of New Orleans. We will celebrate this weekend, by worrying that Hurricane Irene will make the President and his donors on Martha's Vineyard spill their daiquiris.

I met Patricia's cousin five years ago today when, as dusk fell, she was in tears, wondering where she was going to stay with her kids that night. "That's what I want to know, Mister, where we going to?"

Well, I know of some usually-empty and quite nice federal housing units on Westhampton Dunes....
*
Greg Palast's investigative report, Big Easy to Big Empty: the Untold Story of How the White House Drowned New Orleans is available as a free download at http://www.gregpalast.com/, provided by the Palast Investigative Fund, a 501(c)3 charitable trust, on the Sixth Anniversary of the New Orleans' flood.

Palast's continuing investigation of the flood and its connection to the Deepwater Horizon explosion, filmed for Channel 4 Dispatches UK, will be published in November by Penguin USA.

Thursday, May 5, 2011

Oswald and Synchronicity

A review of Adam Gorightly's The Prankster and the Conspiracy
James Leroy Wilson
April 26, 2011
http://partialobserver.com/article.cfm?id=3607

An old proverb says, "Be careful what you wish for; you just might get it."

"The Prankster and the Conspiracy," Adam Gorightly's biography of Kerry Thornley, prompts a similar thought: "Be careful what you joke about: the joke may be on you."

I ordered the book for a couple of reasons. The first was that I heard Gorightly interviewed in a few podcasts and he seems like an interesting fellow. A pen name like his should be rewarded.

The second was to indulge my fascination with the nexus of individualist anarchism, neo-paganism, conspiracy theory, and synchro-mysticism.

Kerry Thornley lived this nexus. Born in 1938, as a teenager he founded the religion Discordianism with friends. As a Marine, he befriended Lee Harvey Oswald, and, when Oswald defected to the Soviet Union, began writing a novel based on him. In the early 60's, they both lived in New Orleans and met some of the same people, though Thornley had no recollection of seeing him there. Thornley became an anarchist writer and free-loving, LSD-using neo-pagan. And then he was indicted by New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison for involvement in the JFK assassination. After charges were dropped, he came across more information which triggered disturbing memories that suggested mind control and made him suspect Garrison was right after all. This drove him mad, and he spent much of the rest of his life in near hobo-like conditions, although he kept writing. He passed away in 1998.

I didn't keep careful notes while reading, but Gorightly quotes either Thornley or one of his friends that, although the founders of Discordianism were essentially atheists or agnostics, it almost seemed as if the creation of the Discordian religion really did awaken the goddess of Chaos.

Thornley's life was filled with strange coincidences, or synchronicities, as if Eris was directly intervening to make things strange. Another way to look at it, however, is that Thornley's life was an example of the Law of Attraction at work. The Law says that "like attracts like," or that the Universe will respond at a vibrational level to our thoughts and words -- even if they're stated in a supposedly sarcastic or humorous way.

Gorightly doesn't discuss the Law of Attraction angle, which makes sense because "The Prankster" was published in 2003 and Law of Attraction ideas didn't become trendy again until 2006. But I couldn't help but think of the Law of Attraction while reading the book; as Thornley pulled off pranks, the Universe seemed to pull pranks on him:

Thornley's Discordianism was a parody religion based on worship of Eris, the goddess of chaos, strife, and discord; there was rarely any structure, order, or steady income in Thornley's own life
When sought out by the Warren Commission, Thornley joked to acquaintances that he masterminded the JFK assassination; he later began to believe that, as a subject of mind control, he was indeed involved
With Discordian friends such as the writer Robert Anton Wilson, he pulled off pranks under the name Operation Mindf---: eventually, it was his own mind that got f---ed up
Of course, all the coincidences connecting Thornley and the JFK assassination could just be "bad luck," being at the wrong place at the wrong time. Perhaps you don't believe this Law of Attraction stuff. Maybe you think your God punished Thornley for his unbelief. Or maybe you do believe in Eris. Or, maybe Thornleyactually was a JFK conspirator, with or without mind control.

In any case, this book reminds me to be careful what I think about, what I say, and what I do. Even when I make jokes.

Aside from these philosophical and mystical considerations, Gorightly's book provides an informative account of what life was like in the counterculture of the 60's and 70's. Thornley was a graduate of Robert Lefevre's Freedom School who opposed violence and The State. The "Far Left" and the counterculture wasn't just a bunch of young Democrats who didn't want to get drafted; it was full of people like Thornley who sought new ways of doing politics, new ways of practicing spirituality, and new ways of living.

"The Prankster and the Conspiracy" is recommended for conspiracy buffs, people interested in libertarian history, and anyone who's fascinated by the strange and synchronistic.

Wednesday, April 6, 2011

Detroit Rock City Population Drops Like Rock

How bad has the economic downturn hurt Detroit? Almost as bad as Hurricane Katrina has damaged New Orleans.
The city's population fell to 713,777 in 2010, down from 951,270 in 2000, a drop of 25 percent. In contrast, NOLA fell by 29 percent, though it only had half the population.

Flint, another Michigan city tied to the auto industry and the birthplace of General Motors, lost 18 percent of its population. All told, Michigan lost 0.6 percent of its population during the decade, making it the only state to have a population decline during the zeroes.

Census: Detroit's population plummets 25 percent
3/22/2011
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/42220834

Wednesday, February 9, 2011

NOLA shrinks by 29 Percent

From the New York Times:

"The Census Bureau reported on Thursday that 343,829 people were living in the city of New Orleans on April 1, 2010, four years and seven months after it was virtually emptied by the floodwaters that followed the hurricane.

The numbers portray a significantly smaller city than in the previous census, in 2000, though it should be said that New Orleans had been steadily shrinking even then. In 1990, it was the 24th-biggest city in the country, in 2000, the 31st, and now it has surely dropped from the top 50."

Smaller New Orleans After Katrina, Census Shows
CAMPBELL ROBERTSON
February 3, 2011

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/04/us/04census.html

Monday, December 6, 2010

New Orleans Saints' Drew Brees named SI's Sportsman of the Year


http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2010/magazine/11/29/sportsman/

Tuesday November 30, 2010
New Orleans Saints' Drew Brees named SI's Sportsman of the Year
Story Highlights
Drew Brees not only won Super Bowl, but also helped and embraced city in need
Roger Goodell: "He symbolizes the people of New Orleans in many, many ways"
Brees Dream Foundation has raised more than $6 million for cancer, children

For not only leading the New Orleans Saints to the first Super Bowl title in the franchise's history, but also for helping lead the city of New Orleans' rebirth after the tragedy of Hurricane Katrina, quarterback Drew Brees is the recipient of Sports Illustrated's 57th Sportsman of the Year award. Brees will be honored at a ceremony Tuesday evening in New York City.

The SI award comes as Brees and the Saints have won four consecutive games and, with an 8-3 record, moved solidly into playoff contention in defense of the championship they won a year ago in Miami. Brees, 31, was the MVP of that Super Bowl game, but he wins SI's highest honor for much more than just his ability to play football.

Jessie Aney, a 12-year-old tennis and hockey star from Rochester, Minn., was named Sports Illustrated Kids' SportsKid of the Year. The No. 1-ranked tennis player in the USTA's 12-and-under and 14-and-Under Northern Section, she was runner-up in Minnesota's Class 2A high school state singles championships as a seventh grader. A 4.0 student, Aney school five goals in her varsity hockey debut for Century High.

Nearly five years ago, in the early spring of 2006, Brees was a broken player. After surgery to repair a catastrophic shoulder injury, the Saints were the only team that offered to make him their starting quarterback. Meanwhile, New Orleans was a desperate city, trying to find traction after one of the worst natural disasters in U.S. history. Brees would later say his landing in New Orleans was much more than just an athlete's change of venue. "It was a calling,'' he said. "We were brought here for a reason.''

Brees and his wife, Brittany, showed love for New Orleans when the city felt abandoned by so many others. Not only did Brees help the Saints make the playoffs in his first year in the city and begin the four-year climb to last year's title, but he also threw himself into helping the city recover, and its people to feel like they were not alone. "He symbolizes the people of New Orleans in many, many ways,'' says NFL commissioner Roger Goodell. "Drew believes in that community. He believes in doing what's right. He's one of the most genuine people I've ever met.''

Upon settling in a home in Uptown New Orleans, Drew and Brittany Brees established The Brees Dream Foundation, with the goal of "Advancing research in the fight against cancer and providing care, education and opportunities for children in need.'' In the ensuing years, Brees's foundation has helped raise more than $6 million, primarily in and around New Orleans, but also in San Diego (where Brees began his career and played five seasons with the Chargers) and West Layfayette, Ind. (where Brees played college football at Purdue, and met his wife in 1999).

"New Orleans was the perfect fit for Drew,'' says Brian Schottenheimer, who coached Brees in San Diego and is now offensive coordinator of the New York Jets. "There were questions about Drew and there were questions about New Orleans. But things happen for a reason.''

The steady revival of New Orleans owes to the efforts of many civic leaders, but none are more visible than the quarterback of the city's beloved Saints, so long lovable losers, but now on top of the football world. "You could see it in Drew from the beginning,'' says Billy Miller, who joined the team with Brees in 2006 and played four seasons. "He had this attitude that just said: `If I lead, people will follow.'''

Most poignant of all, Brees has dug deep roots in a city that opened its arms when he was wounded. He and Brittany have two sons: Baylen, who will turn two in January; and Bowen, born Oct. 19. Two weeks ago Brees held Bowen in his arms and said, "Life is a miracle.''

And some would say the same for what has happened since Brees arrived in New Orleans.

Friday, September 17, 2010

NFL Opener Becomes Site of Solidarity

http://www.thenation.com/blog/154625/nfl-opener-become-site-solidarity
NFL Opener Becomes Site of Solidarity
by Dave Zirin

When a football player, standing by himself, points a finger to the sky, he is usually either giving praise to God or stating, if you were unaware of this fact, that he is indeed number one. Other players have also been known to raise a different finger in fits of self expression. But last night when two teams, billed as bitter enemies, walked onto the field before the start of the NFL season, holding a finger in the air, you knew that this wasn't business as usual. As the national anthem ended, the defending Super Bowl Champs New Orleans Saints and the Minnesota Vikings raised their finger in a gesture directly aimed at the fans and the owners, and the message was clear: “WE are one. We aren’t opponents who want to rip our heads off on the field. We are unionists locked in a bitter labor battle against 32 of the most powerful people in the United States, and we will not be moved.” On the NFL’s website, the heading for this particular clip reads, “Players show solidarity.”

In a country where unions are ignored when they’re not demonized, it was perhaps the most widely-seen, collectively experienced display of labor solidarity in the history of the United States. Hyperbole? Consider that the game garnered the highest opening night ratings in the history of the NFL. 28% of all households were unexpectedly treated to a taste of solidarity.

Predictably, the game’s announcer, Al Michaels, a proud man of the right who loves slipping in political jabs into telecasts, couldn’t hide his disgust saying with serious snark, “There’s nothing like a labor statement to start the season.” Similarly, on this morning’s ESPN radio show, Mike and Mike in the Morning, former NFL player Mike Golic, who described himself as a “proud union guy”, said he hated the gesture, calling it counterproductive and alienating to fans. His partner Mike Greenberg echoed that “99%” of the emails they received made clear that viewers hated the gesture. He said, “In every sports labor battle fans side against the players because they are being paid to play a game and people just want to watch.”

I don't buy it. That may have been true in the past, but this time they’re wrong. For the players, going public was a brilliant move. I don’t know who has the time or energy to email into Mike and Mike in the morning at the crack of dawn, but to judge today’s predicted fallout, the reaction in virtual-land has mirrored the reaction of the crowd at the Louisiana Superdome: one of respect. This shouldn’t surprise us. There are a number of reasons why the political scales tip more toward the players this time around.

1 – The players want to play. Remember, the NFLPA is not threatening a strike. It’s the owners threatening a lockout. NFLPA President DeMaurice Smith has made it clear that the players will play under the existing collective bargaining period until they reach a new deal. If the gates are shut, it’s all on the owners’ shoulders. As Smith said, “I don't really look at this as a battle between millionaires and billionaires. I look at this as a battle between 32 people who can unilaterally shut down our game, and America who digs it.

2 – Fans are more aware of the beatings these guys take. Scott Fujita of the Cleveland Browns said to me, “We might be the only industry on earth with a 100% injury rate.” The flood of news about concussions, dementia, and all the debilitating realities of the NFL could also mean more sympathy for what players sacrifice in their short careers. It’s the most popular sport by a mile in a country, but a terrible price is paid for our national entertainment. Fans are far more savvy to this reality than the owners realize.

3 – DeMaurice Smith’s message. Smith said to me, “[If there is a lockout], we have 30,000 people who work in our stadiums. They're locked out. The concession workers and the people who are parking cars in the sleet and the rain for forth or fifth job, they're locked out. The bars and the restaurants that rely on football, they're locked out.”

The one-finger-gesture on the field was an expression of common cause and the response in the days ahead might be profoundly more positive than Al Michaels hopes or Mike Golic frets. As Mike Florio from pro football talk wrote this morning, “It’s unknown whether the seed of the idea was planted by anyone from the NFL Players Association. If it was, it wasn't a bad idea. And we have a feeling it's going to catch on.”

Dave Zirin is the author of “Bad Sports: How Owners are Ruining the Games we Love” (Scribner) Receive his column every week by emailing dave@edgeofsports.com. Contact him at edgeofsports@gmail.com.

Thursday, September 2, 2010

No "Home Sweet Home"

Thu, 26 Aug 2010
Greg Palast
palast@gregpalast.net

No "Home Sweet Home"
Five years after Katrina

Matt Pascarella and I encountered Patricia Thomas while she was breaking into a home at the Lafitte Housing Project in New Orleans. It was her own home. Nevertheless, if caught, she'd end up in the slammer. So would we. Matt was my producer for the film, Big Easy to Big Empty, and he encouraged my worst habits. I'd worked for the New Orleans Housing Authority years back and knew they wanted the poor black folk out of these pretty townhouses near the French Quarter. Katrina was an excuse for ethnic cleansing, American style. Matt and I skipped cuffs on this shoot, but were charged later by Homeland Security (see below). While I recorded the story of hidden evils on film, Matt gathered a story which no camera can capture. Here it is. - Greg Palast

by Matt Pascarella
August 26th, 2010

Four years ago, on the one-year anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, I sat with Patricia Thomas. Greg Palast and I had just helped her break into her home in the Lafitte Projects. She had been locked out for a year. She showed us her former home, her belongings scattered everywhere, and wrestled out endless stories of post-Katrina life: how she struggled to find shelter over the last year, how they came and put bars on her doors and windows and locked her out, how it was "man made."

I picked up a photo of her at Mardi Gras, taken a few years earlier, and compared it to what she looked like now. In the picture her hair was longer, her face younger, her smile deeper. Now her arms were wasted and thin, her eyes sunken into her face, and her bottom front teeth were gone. On most days, she told me, she wore her dead mother's dentures, but today she had forgotten to put them in. Her own teeth broke off when escaping the rising waters. She had fallen face first onto the concrete slab that was her front porch. The very spot where we were sitting was where it had happened. Over my left shoulder, running the length of the building, was a scar, a stain from the water line.

August in Louisiana is unbearably hot for a Northern boy. Beads of sweat poured from my face, down my neck. Patricia went inside, found an old roll of paper towels in a kitchen cabinet and brought me one. The quilted paper had a kitschy design - a giant heart with words that said, "Home Sweet Home."

I looked at her and wondered how this could happen in my country.

A few weeks before, I was in Mexico City with Palast covering the Presidential Election. A presidency had been stolen. People were on the streets screaming "Vota por Vota, Casilla por Casilla!" Count the votes! "Vote by Vote, box by box!" I had seen the aftermath of a massacre in a small village outside Mexico City. I had seen people from all over the country rise up in anger taking to the streets. I had seen the Zapatistas march and Subcomandante Marcos himself flanked by young women acting as a protective barrier. I had seen the house where Trotsky was stabbed in the back of the head with an ice pick.

When I finally left Mexico City, I remember being deeply confused. The kind of confusion that tears at the soul and has the ability to completely dismantle any preconceived notions of how to view the world. I was inspired to see so many people fighting for democracy, and yet a deep depression sunk in as the plane took off. I knew their efforts would not matter. I had seen the American 'consultants', the DC hacks, in the offices of the ruling party and I knew it was over.

Now, here I was - back home in the United States - outside a decimated house near the levees, trying to understand why a New Orleans native, Brod Bagert, was calling a friend who worked with the fire department. Brod was asking his old friend what the number "5" below the giant orange spray-painted X on the front of the house meant. But Brod already knew what it meant.

Here I was watching Brod, one year later, trying to convince himself that what had happened to his neighbors didn't actually happen. After many long days of hearing countless horrifying stories and walking through miles of destruction, I now stood next to a grown man who was desperately trying to lie to himself simply because the alternative was too painful. I couldn't hold back the tears. It was the first, and only, time in my professional life that I had to walk away from an interview. I hid out behind a smashed up, rotted out BMW and cried.

After a few minutes I returned to Brod. He hung up the phone, looked at Palast and me, and slowly choked, "Five people died here."

He finally gave in to what had happened here: the sprayed "9-16" above that X meant that those five bodies had been left to decompose for nearly 19 days before being discovered by rescue crews.

Brod rubbed his eyes and we went inside the house. His fathomless sadness hardened into anger. We walked through a sand dune littered with toys into what was once the living room. I tried not to imagine the mom and dad and kids as water crushed them against the ceiling; as they clawed for one more breath.

Brod took us down the street to his home, that is, the sticks that were left of his home. He was breathing hard, he was shaking. "Old ladies watched the water come up to their nose, over their eyes and they drowned in houses just like this, in this neighborhood, because of reckless negligence that is unanswered for."

I think back now, to those words, spoken four years ago and wonder if it will ever be answered.

We then met Stephen Smith. He worked at the Marriott hotel, but had no car and no way to get out when the Mayor said to get out. Stephen pulled a dozen neighbors to a bridge over the rising water for four days as helicopters whirled overhead. Four days in the humid sun. No food. An old man gave his grandchildren his only bottle of water; then the old man died of dehydration. Stephen now works in a grocery store in Houston where FEMA ultimately dumped him. His kids live in Baton Rouge.

The next day Palast and I drove up to Baton Rouge to confront the company that was contracted to come up with an evacuation plan for the City of New Orleans. They had refused all of our interview requests, so we showed up at their offices to request a copy of the plan in person. We were quickly thrown out, they threatened to call security. They knew what we knew: There was no plan.

We drove out to the town of Baker. There, we surreptitiously passed through a security checkpoint before funneling into a massive FEMA trailer park. Here we met Pamela Lewis who told us her story of escaping the flood. Despite having MS, she pushed a boat with her 86-year-old mother, other relatives and neighbors through the streets of New Orleans. When she got to a bridge, armed men yelled at her, called her a nigger, and commanded her to turn around. They didn't want a boat full of black people coming into their neighborhood. She then managed to make it to the Superdome where she was sprayed down by hoses, tossed on a bus, and then told to pay a fare and get off. She had no idea where she was.

We finished filming. Pamela stood in front of the car next to her trailer, and I locked eyes with her. I put the car in reverse and backed out, leaving her there, alone, not knowing what she was going to do with her life.

We drove back to New Orleans, passing an Exxon Oil Refinery - the only thing near Pamela's trailer park. Several weeks later, at the request of Exxon, Homeland Security would file a criminal complaint against me and Palast under the anti-terrorism PATRIOT Act for filming "critical infrastructure." The only thing critical about that refinery was the pollution it was spewing near what had become a refugee camp.

Five years have gone by and it is rare if a week passes that I don't think of New Orleans. Nearly two thousand people lost their lives. An entire city was decimated. People were killed by the very police officers who were supposed to be protecting them. Hundreds of thousands lost their homes and livelihoods. To this day there are some still living in FEMA trailers. Patricia died a few years back in a horrible car accident; Lafitte, her home, has since been demolished.

My job was to go, to report, and then go home. My job was to leave Patricia, Pamela, Brod and countless others whom I had encountered, behind - to place them in a compartment in my mind, and to move on to the next story. Yet I never quite managed to do that with New Orleans. Maybe it was easier for me to cope in places like Mexico, but New Orleans was America. It happened in my country. All of the people I met in New Orleans - their images, their words - have, over the years, crystallized into a vivid sense of disenchantment with the romantic narrative of America I was taught as a child.

I sit here now, thumb through my old notebook that is labeled in black marker "NOLA" and find the paper towel Patricia gave me. It still reads, next to that big, faded heart, "Home Sweet Home."
*********
Matt Pascarella produced the Greg Palast investigation, Big Easy to Big Empty: The Untold Story of the Drowning of New Orleans.

Pascarella is currently a journalist with the Palast Investigative Fund which is offering the film as download FREE of charge during this week of commemoration. Or, for a donation, receive the DVD signed by Palast.

The Palast Fund requests your tax-deductible donations. We are returning to New Orleans to finish the investigation we started.

http://www.gregpalast.com/

Tuesday, July 6, 2010

BP “claims czar”: No compensation for most victims of oil spill

http://wsws.org/articles/2010/jul2010/gulf-j02.shtml

BP “claims czar”: No compensation for most victims of oil spill
By Tom Eley
2 July 2010

Kenneth Feinberg, appointed by the Obama administration to oversee distribution of a BP-financed escrow account for victims of the Gulf oil spill, has made clear that there will be sharp limitations on those who can receive compensation.

Among those not entitled to compensation from the $20 billion fund, according to Feinberg, are fishermen who operated on a cash basis and tourism and home owners “not directly affected” by the oil spill. These sweeping exclusions will likely bar the majority of the spill’s victims from any compensation.

These statements confirm that the main purpose of the escrow fund, known as the Independent Claims Facility, is to shield BP from costs associated with the spill, protect it from lawsuits, and guarantee its continued profitability. Feinberg, who was appointed to his new post with the support of BP, noted in a recent interview that the fund was a “really helpful sign if you’re an investor.”

Feinberg’s statements also concretize the meaning of repeated references by BP and Obama that all “legitimate” claims will be met by the fund. The aim is to restrict as much as possible the definition of “legitimate,” while placing the burden of proof on the victims of the spill.

Twenty billion dollars, even were it to be fully distributed—the account is “neither a floor nor a ceiling on liability” according to the White House—is a pittance compared to the economic and health damages caused by the blowout. The actual cost will run into the hundreds of billions of dollars at least.

In addition, the administration has expressly allowed BP to count the cost of cleanup against the escrow, “as well as judgments and settlements, natural resource damage costs, and state and local response costs,” according to a White House statement.

Feinberg said that he could not grant cash-based fishermen tax amnesty outside of Congressional action, and all but ruled out assistance. “I just have to make sure the facility is complying with all applicable laws,” he was quoted as saying by National Public Radio (NPR).

Fishermen who operated on a partial or total cash basis may actually comprise the majority of Louisiana and Gulf Coast fishermen. This holds true for independent shrimping operators—many of them Vietnamese immigrants—and also a sizable share of the industry’s hourly-labor force, which is paid in large measure on a cash basis.

It is well known that much of the gulf fishing industry is part of what economists refer to as “the informal economy.” Small-scale fishermen labor in difficult conditions and operate with the tightest of margins. “Cash is king in the Gulf fishing industry,” NPR reporter Yuki Noguhci concluded. “It’s a segment of the economy that, for generations, has been kept in the shadows of the Internal Revenue Service.”

Even more sweeping were Feinberg’s comments Wednesday to a House Small Business Committee hearing in Washington. Feinberg told Congressmen that those “not directly affected” by the blowout would most likely have no right to compensation through the fund. Included among those who cannot claim compensatory damages, Feinberg said, are much of the Gulf tourism industry as well as homeowners who have seen their property values decline.

“Property value has diminished as a result of the spill,” Feinberg told the committee. “Let’s assume that’s right. That doesn’t mean that every property is entitled to compensation... I’m on the beach, but there's no oil at all there. It’s just the public perception that drives the values down... There’s not enough money in the world to pay every homeowner, wherever they live in the Gulf Coast, who says, ‘My property is down because of the oil spill.’”

As for tourism, “If there’s no physical damage to the beaches and it’s a public perception, I venture to say that it is not compensable,” Feinberg said. In fact, oil and tar balls have washed ashore on a stretch of the Gulf Coast from the Mississippi Delta to near Panama City, Florida, encompassing some of the most famous US beaches. And “public perception” can hardly be faulted for avoiding Gulf beaches even if oil is not visible. Travelers have little reason to believe that the water is not contaminated.

Feinberg’s comments confirm that the escrow will operate with extremely rigid parameters based on the ability to prove, with paperwork, financial losses caused by physical contact with oil—and most likely heavy, visible, and permanent damage, as the comments on “perception” in the tourism industry suggest. Will resort owners and tourism workers, for example, be able to claim damages after beaches have supposedly been cleaned?

Obama’s assertion in unveiling the claims facility that the $20 billion fund did not represent a block to other lawsuits or a limit on BP’s liabilities has also been exposed by comments from Feinberg, who has acted as a cheerleader for BP, absurdly claiming that the oil giant is “well-intentioned” and “trying to do the right thing.”

“It’s a way for BP to avoid lawsuits in the end,” Feinberg said in a June 20 interview with CNBC. “And it’s a way for a claimant voluntarily to get a check now. You don’t have to litigate for years—with some uncertainty about whether you’d win—and you don’t have to pay a lawyer thirty percent.” (Feinberg's advice to victims to avoid consulting an attorney is an ethically dubious proposition.)

Feinberg also said that receiving any money from the claims facility would act as a legal waiver against future lawsuits. “You’ll waive your right to sue,” Feinberg said. “That’s only fair.” And he went so far as to directly reassure BP investors. “Investors in BP should know that there’s now an alternative to the litigation system in place,” he told CNBC. “I think that’s a really helpful sign if you’re an investor.”

Essentially, Feinberg and BP will be exploiting the desperate situation faced by tens of thousands on the Gulf to get them to accept small payouts up front in exchange for giving up their right to receive anything close to adequate compensation in the future.

Not only will this save BP the costs of litigating tens of thousands of cases. The many thousands of applicants rejected by Feinberg’s claims facility will enter the court system at a disadvantage, having been deemed undeserving of compensation by this supposedly “independent” body.

In a separate interview, Feinberg made clear the primary purpose of his task. “[A]ny talk about BP going out of business or being bankrupt, that would be a horror,” he told PBS.

There has been little discussion of compensation for damages to human health, which is in keeping with BP’s and the Obama administration’s shared posture that the massive spill poses no serious health risk to either cleanup workers or to the region’s population.

Given its relatively small size, the Independent Claims Facility must inevitably be tasked with limiting payments for health damages caused by both the oil and the use of chemical dispersants to break it up. There are already dozens of reports of oil cleanup workers suffering from various symptoms associated with exposure to toxic chemicals. However, because BP exercises dictatorial control over the cleanup, enforcing a gag order on workers, there has been little independent observation of oil containment, removal, and burning.

Some health and environmental experts believe that the spill could create a public health disaster for the densely populated Gulf Coast, particularly southern Louisiana. The consequences for public health now emerge in glimpses—complaints of eye irritation and nausea in coastal towns and even New Orleans. The long-term consequences will emerge over the coming years and decades—for example, elevated cancer and birth defect rates—long after Feinberg has liquidated the $20 billion escrow.

“We’re just now beginning to see the ramifications,” Nathalie Walker of Advocates for Environmental Human Rights told the World Socialist Web Site. “It’s going to get bigger and bigger and bigger.”

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

Judge Blocks Deep-Water Drilling Moratorium

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/23/us/23drill.html

Judge Blocks Deep-Water Drilling Moratorium
CHARLIE SAVAGE
June 22, 2010

WASHINGTON — A federal judge in New Orleans on Tuesday blocked a six-month moratorium on deep-water drilling projects that the Obama administration had imposed in response to the vast oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico.

The White House swiftly said the administration would appeal the decision.

In a 22-page ruling, Judge Martin L. C. Feldman of Federal District Court issued a preliminary injunction against the enforcement of a May 28 order halting all floating offshore drilling projects in more than 500 feet of water and preventing the government from issuing new permits for such projects.

Citing the economic harm to businesses and workers in the gulf caused by the moratorium, Judge Feldman — a 1983 appointee of President Ronald Reagan — wrote that the Obama administration had failed to justify the need for the sweeping suspension, which he characterized as “generic, indeed punitive.”

He wrote that “the blanket moratorium, with no parameters, seems to assume that because one rig failed and although no one yet fully knows why, all companies and rigs drilling new wells over 500 feet also universally present an imminent danger.”

The bulletin of the judge’s decision came on reporters’ hand-held devices just as Robert Gibbs, the White House press secretary, had ended his daily briefing. Clearly prepared for it, Mr. Gibbs said the administration would “immediately appeal” to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.

Mr. Gibbs said the president “strongly believes that continuing to drill at those depths without knowing what’s happened” in the April 20 explosion on the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig, which killed 11 workers and left a well gushing out of control, “makes no sense” and puts people’s lives at risk.

The Obama administration had argued that a six-month suspension of deepwater drilling was necessary so that the government could complete its investigation of the Deepwater Horizon accident, and make sure that other drilling operations on the outer continental shelf were safe.

But the order was challenged by a coalition of businesses that provide services and equipment to offshore drilling platforms. The companies sued, asking the judge to declare the moratorium to be invalid and arguing that there was no evidence that existing operations were unsafe.

The State of Louisiana filed a brief supporting the lawsuit, arguing that the moratorium would damage its economy.

Jackie Calmes contributed reporting.

Thursday, June 24, 2010

BP comment about 'small people' causes anger

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20100616/ap_on_bi_ge/us_bp_small_people_4
BP comment about 'small people' causes anger
Wed Jun 16, 2010

NEW ORLEANS – The BP chairman's comment that the oil giant cares about "the small people" received an icy reception on Wednesday from residents along the Gulf Coast.

BP Chairman Carl-Henric Svanberg told reporters in Washington: "I hear comments sometimes that large oil companies are greedy companies or don't care, but that is not the case with BP. We care about the small people."

Justin Taffinder of New Orleans was not amused.

"We're not small people. We're human beings. They're no greater than us. We don't bow down to them. We don't pray to them," Taffinder said.

Svanberg is Swedish, and his comments may have been an unintentional slight. But coastal residents are angry over the oil spill disaster and at BP CEO Tony Hayward's comments that he "wants his life back."

Terry Hanners, who is retired from state and federal law enforcement and has a small construction company in Gulf Shores, Ala., said the "small people" remark revealed something about BP's frame of mind.

"These BP people I've met are good folks. I've got a good rapport with them," said Hanners, 74. "But BP does not care about us. They are so far above us. We are the nickel-and-dime folks of this world."

Asked about the BP chairman's remark, BP spokesman Toby Odone told The Associated Press in an e-mail that "it is clear that what he means is that he cares about local businesses and local people. This was a slip in translation."

New Orleans' Cuisine Crisis: Is It Safe to Eat the Po'Boy?

http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1996569,00.html

New Orleans' Cuisine Crisis: Is It Safe to Eat the Po'Boy?
By Steven Gray / New Orleans
Tuesday, Jun. 15, 2010

Not quite two weeks ago, on June 5, Sal Sunseri opened the first New Orleans Oyster Festival. Postponed a few years because of Hurricane Katrina, the affair, in the city's French Quarter, included contests for wine and oyster pairings as well as oyster shucking — basically, cracking open the shell to expose the slippery gray meat for slurping. On June 10, however, the Sunseri family business, P&J Oyster Co., which in 134 years had become the chief oyster purveyor to some of the city's most esteemed restaurants, effectively closed. Not only was it running short of the delicacies, but people were afraid to eat them. "We're mourning," Sunseri says.

Few cities treat seafood with the high reverence of New Orleans, where shrimp is often eaten for breakfast (with buttery grits), oysters for lunch (on a po'boy, or sandwich) and crawfish for dinner (étouffée). But those traditions may become a casualty of the worst environmental disaster in U.S. history. The oil spill that has brought President Obama to the region for the fourth time in the past month has closed nearly one-third of the Gulf of Mexico to fishing. It is potentially catastrophic for Louisiana's core $2.4 billion seafood industry, which provides much of the nation's fish, shrimp, oysters and crabs.

The region's angst is understandable. New Orleans' main highway, Interstate 10, is lined with billboards showing mounds of fried seafood. Castnet Seafood, a shop in the largely residential New Orleans East section, is still teeming with customers buying shrimp, fish and oysters to store in their freezers. But the owner, Kent Bondi, fears that soon, "that rush is going to come to a complete end." And there is the vexing question: Is the seafood safe to eat? A recent Castnet customer returned with a bag of fish, saying, "It smelled like oil," and demanded a refund. Bondi told her flatly that the catfish was farm-raised, so there was no chance it had been tainted by oil. "It's psychological," he says of the fear.

But people can be forgiven for their questions. The images — thousands of gallons of oil spewing each day from the Gulf of Mexico, plus oil-soaked fish, turtles and pelicans — are hard to ignore. It's scaring even some of the most ardent seafood devotees. "We won't be able to turn around our brand perception for five years or more," predicts Ashley Roth, spokeswoman for the Louisiana Seafood and Marketing Board. The board has launched a multipronged ad campaign in major newspapers boasting that Louisiana's seafood is indeed safe to eat because most of the state's waterways remain untouched by oil. Meanwhile, a delegation of local chefs is being sent to Washington State and even Finland to evangelize about Louisiana's seafood cuisine; a crawfish boil is scheduled for Dijon, France, this summer.

The challenge isn't just one of perception but supply. There are a couple of reasons for this. While an estimated 70% of Louisiana's coastline remains open to fishing, many shrimpers, oystermen and fishermen have signed up to be among the 13,000 people hired by BP or its contractors to clean up the spill. By one estimate, only 1% of the men who usually harvest oysters are actually doing so — mainly because the cleanup jobs can be lucrative (some pay $2,000 a day).

Meanwhile, many of the oyster beds have been closed as a precaution against the arrival of the oil. Some of the beds, however, have become victims of caution. Shortly after the spill began, authorities opened some of the vent-like structures built by the Army Corps of Engineers in order to push freshwater out toward the Gulf and keep the oil from entering the river and surrounding marsh. That meant sharply decreasing salinity in some of the waters where oysters are harvested — killing the beds.

Cliff Hall, co-owner of the New Orleans Fish House, one of the city's largest suppliers, is buying West Coast oysters and more imported shrimp than he'd like. "We want to support our local fishermen," he says, "but there's no other choice." Many seafood suppliers had depleted their stock, anticipating a robust fishing season, which typically begins in May. So the crisis, he says, "couldn't have come at a worse time." The pinched supply has driven up the price of oysters about 25% in the past week. "It's going to hit a stopping point of what the consumer will tolerate," says Hall.

For another sense of how the crisis is playing out, consider one of New Orleans' premier restaurants, Commander's Palace. The restaurant's shrimp costs have soared 40%, to about $9.50 per lb., since the oil crisis began. So far, the executive chief, Tory McPhail, has not passed along the added expense to consumers. The higher cost, he says, "forces us to look at our menus, be more value-conscious and do things we wouldn't normally do." One example: maximizing the use of shrimp. It is broken into two parts: the head and tail. McPhail's team breads and then fries the tail, which is the meatier half. The head is roasted at 400°, to dehydrate it, at which point it is ground into a powder. The powder is then used to significantly strengthen the flavor of seafood in a bisque, even with the decrease of shrimp tails in the stock.

So, the bottom-line question: Is it safe to eat seafood in New Orleans? Managers of restaurants, grocery stores and markets quickly point out that their livelihoods depend on serving safe food. Much of the seafood is carefully inspected using one of the most powerful tools: the human nose. And if the seafood looks odd, the chefs don't bother with the ingredient. Robert Buchannan, director of the Center for Food Safety and Security at the University of Maryland at College Par, offers a simple piece of advice: "If the seafood tastes like a petroleum product, it'd be smart not to eat it." The good news is, New Orleans offers a range of po'boy substitutes, like the muffuletta, with salami (cotto and Genoa), smoked ham, mozzarella and an oily olive salad stuffed into a thick round of bread. Sadly, it isn't diet-friendly. But not much in New Orleans is.

Tuesday, June 1, 2010

Is oil spill becoming Obama's Katrina?

http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2010-05-27-Spill-poll_N.htm

Is oil spill becoming Obama's Katrina?
5-27-10
By Mimi Hall, Rick Jervis and Alan Levin, USA TODAY

The hurricane that drowned New Orleans and cast George W. Bush as out of touch swept across the Gulf Coast nearly five years ago. Now, as oil laps ashore in the very same region, local officials are asking: Is there another government-Gulf Coast disconnect? Is BP's oil spill becoming this president's Katrina?
President Obama will face questions today at his first news conference since oil started gushing five weeks ago.

Frustrated Gulf Coast residents say they understand that only BP can plug the leak. But they want to know why the federal government didn't act faster to stop the oil from reaching shore, why BP hasn't been forced to skim more oil from the surface and why their request hasn't been approved to build new barrier islands to help keep the oil at bay.

The Obama administration's response is "dysfunctional, there's no chain of command, no one's in charge," says Parish President Billy Nungesser in Plaquemines, La.

The public isn't impressed either.

A new USA TODAY/Gallup Poll finds that six out of 10 adults say the federal government is doing a "poor" or "very poor" job handling the spill. A majority — 53% — say the same about Obama.

And 50% of those polled say protecting the environment now should be a higher priority than promoting economic growth. Those choosing the economy: 43%.

Interior Secretary Ken Salazar says the administration has been waging an "all-out, all-hands-on-deck battle to protect the Gulf Coast" and ensure that the British energy giant responsible for the spill cleans it up.

Senior White House adviser David Axelrod says the government is "doing everything conceivable" to limit the damage. "The Katrina analogy suggests that we didn't or haven't recognized from the beginning the profound nature of this problem, and that is just flat out wrong," he says. "Can we do better? You should always strive to do better."

BP Chief Executive Tony Hayward, however, conceded Wednesday on NBC's Today show that his company has "let people down" by allowing the oil to reach delicate marshland and shoreline. "We are going to redouble our efforts," he promised.

A range of critics is demanding to know why the federal government hasn't already forced BP to do better — or just taken over. "The response to the oil coming ashore should be federalized and put in the hands of professional emergency managers and not oil companies," says Deano Bonano, homeland security chief in Jefferson Parish, La.

Comparisons to Katrina are limited: More than 1,800 people died when the storm hit and flooded the Gulf Coast in August 2005; 11 men died on the Deepwater Horizon rig when an explosion ruptured the well on April 20.

In both cases, however, local residents complained about what they say is an anemic response from Washington. "The response to this," Nungesser says, "has been worse than Katrina."

The White House, citing a 1990 law that requires oil companies to clean up their messes, says the government is offering help and overseeing the effort — but they're insistent that the cleanup is BP's responsibility.

The oil company is taking the brunt of the blame. The new poll of 1,049 adults, taken Monday and Tuesday, finds more than seven in 10 people say BP is doing a poor job. The survey has a margin of error of +/–4 percentage points.

Democratic strategist James Carville, who lives in New Orleans, and Rep. Steve Scalise, R-La., are among the critics who acknowledge that the government doesn't have the technological know-how to plug the well and stop the gusher. They contend, however, that the administration has resources — oil-catching booms, manpower, planes and boats, barges and skimmers — that can collect and clean up the oil. Such moves would limit the damage to a fragile ecosystem that supports a way of life for many, including those working in the $2.4 billion seafood industry.

White House press secretary Robert Gibbs says the government is limited by the Oil Pollution Act, passed in the aftermath of the 1989 Exxon Valdez spill off the Alaskan coast. Peppered with questions at a recent news briefing about whether the government couldn't simply "federalize" the response and take over from BP, Gibbs said, "No."

Mindful of the frustration, however, the White House is taking a more aggressive approach. On Wednesday, Obama spoke about the spill during an event on the economy in Fremont, Calif. "Let me reiterate," he said. "We will not rest until this well is shut, the environment is repaired and the cleanup is complete."

Today for the first time in 10 months, he will hold a full-fledged news conference. On Friday, he will head back to Louisiana, his second trip this month to inspect the damaged area.

Scalise says Obama's increased engagement is overdue. "We don't need a finger-pointer-in-chief," he says. "We need a quarterback on the field."

Angry residents push back

The White House has sent out memos to the news media outlining the government-wide response to the spill from the start. Lengthy e-mails outlining everything from the number of Small Business Administration loans approved for Gulf Coast businesses hurt by the spill to the phone number to report "oiled wildlife" have been issued daily, detailing all the steps federal agencies and BP have taken to try to mitigate the ecological damage.

Wednesday's memo says about 1,300 vessels and dozens of aircraft have been shipped to the Gulf Coast, along with more than 1.85 million feet of the containment boom that helps stop oil from getting to shore and about 840,000 gallons of dispersant used to break up the slicks.

Angry Gulf Coast residents are pushing back, much as they did post-Katrina, when Washington officials said they had the situation in hand. Now those in the region say there's a disconnect between what the White House says is happening on the ground and what they see.

In Louisiana, officials say the response has been bogged down in bureaucracy, hobbled by rules and procedures that hamper decision-making. Responders also have lacked equipment, they say, even as oil has invaded marshes and beaches.

Just getting enough oil-stopping boom has been a problem, Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal says.

State officials three weeks ago requested 5 million feet of boom from the Coast Guard, he says. As of Monday, only 815,000 feet of it had been delivered and 680,000 feet set up in the water, he says. Requests for more boom or other oil-fighting equipment are often routed to a BP subcontractor for approval, then sent through two command centers, which Jindal says delays Coast Guard approval for up to two days.

"We don't have 24 to 48 hours," the governor says. "This oil is moving too quickly."

Another Jindal complaint: a slow government response to his state's proposal to build a 94-mile-long string of sand berms across Louisiana's coast to keep the oil at bay.

The $350 million barrier plan was hatched by Plaquemines Parish officials shortly after Hurricane Katrina in 2005 as a way to keep out future storm surges and could work equally well to block out the oil, says P.J. Hahn, director of coastal management for the parish.

The plan would take four to six months to complete, but 12 dredges working simultaneously on the project would bring relief to coastal marshes almost immediately, says Nungesser, the Plaquemines president.

On May 11, Louisiana requested an emergency permit for the plan from the Army Corps of Engineers that would bypass lengthy environmental impact reviews. Corps and Coast Guard officials have voiced concerns, and the matter is still under review.

"We understand the importance and significance of this emergency permit request, and it is a top priority," the Army Corps said in a statement.

Last week, Nungesser says, he and his staff discovered globs of black oil seeping into marshes near Venice. He says they alerted officials at the BP/Coast Guard command center, who dispatched a team to fight off the oil — five days later.

"There's definitely some confusion about who's in charge," says G. Paul Kemp, a coastal ecologist with the National Audubon Society. "We hear from shrimpers that they're under contract (to help) but they're not, they don't know what they're supposed to be doing or whether they're going to be doing anything, and this is at a time when it would seem we need pretty much everybody working round the clock on this."

In other instances, locals have taken matters into their own hands.

On Saturday, after two days of begging BP for help in fending off an approaching tentacle of oil, officials in Jefferson Parish commandeered about 50 idle boats that had been hired by the oil giant and began cleaning a local bay themselves, Bonano says.

"Numerous times we told them we had oil in a certain location and they said they had skimmers in that location," Bonano says. "We sent up a helicopter and there was nothing there."

A 'significant' PR problem

Those kinds of stories have prompted calls by environmentalists such as David Pettit of the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) for the government to take over the response from BP.

Former Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge, who served in the Bush administration but had left office before Katrina hit, says the White House ought to give the Coast Guard "carte blanche" to run the show along the Gulf Coast and summon whatever it needs to get the cleanup done — from the private sector, from the Navy, from anywhere it can. "It's better to overextend yourself," he says, when it's not clear just how bad the damage will be in a crisis.

Instead, the Obama administration "has been slow off the mark," Ridge says, and now the White House is facing a "significant" public relations problem.

Gibbs says the government has provided considerable expertise and other assistance; named Thad Allen, who retired as commandant of the Coast Guard on Tuesday, as the government's incident commander; and "pushed relentlessly for BP to do what is necessary to contain what is leaking."

Pettit, an NRDC lawyer, says another law trumps the 1990 oil pollution law and gives the government sweeping authority to respond. He says that under the Clean Water Act, the nation's primary law dealing with polluted water, the president "shall direct" efforts to clean up if a discharge of oil "poses a substantial threat to the public health or welfare of the United states."

"The Coast Guard has the right to run the entire operation," Pettit says. "They haven't chosen to. Why not?"

Allen, the administration's point person in the Gulf, says that's just what he's doing as he directs BP's clean-up efforts. "If I need to, I call Tony Hayward myself," Allen says of the company's CEO. "They're the responsible party, but we have the authority to direct."

He says it wouldn't make sense to push BP aside and take over completely. "Well, to push BP out of the way would raise the question: to replace them with what?"

'An absolute outrage' any oil has come ashore

Tom Copeland, who helped lead an impromptu effort by Alaskan fishermen in 1989 to attack the Exxon Valdez spill, has an idea.

Copeland says an effective oil-skimming armada is expensive and requires a huge infrastructure of barges to haul away the toxic goo but can make a significant dent in even a giant slick.

"With a spill like this and the good weather that we've had, it's an absolute outrage that any oil has been allowed to come ashore," he says .

Copeland says he equipped his fishing boat with a vacuum pump from a sewage hauling truck, which sucked up thousands of gallons of oil a day. Hundreds of boats could be similarly outfitted and on the Gulf within days, he says. Yet Copeland contends that it's not BP's interest to collect large quantities of oil after a spill, since that would require expensive disposal as a toxic waste.

BP has hired about 275 boats to clean up the oil since last month's explosion, says company spokesman Graham MacEwen. He called the dispute over the idle boats in Jefferson Parish a "misunderstanding" and says the company is committed to doing everything possible to pick up oil.

Some people give BP credit — though not for its cleanup efforts. A.J. Fabre, president of the Louisiana Shrimp Association, praises the company for covering industry losses. Last week, Fabre says, the company gave shrimpers $5,000 checks.

As of Tuesday, BP said 25,227 economic claims had been opened and it had paid out $29.4 million to those affected by the spill. The company said no claims have been denied.

"BP is the only oil company that's ever stepped forward and opened their checkbooks," says Fabre, a shrimper for 40 years. "You just come in with your tax statements and your trip tickets and they cut you a check. That's unheard of."

Other business owners, however, are feeling the sting. Floyd Lasseigne, a fourth-generation Grand Isle, La., oyster fisherman and shrimper, is worried about how he's going to pay his annual $5,000 house insurance payment in late June now that he's out of work.

He puts most of the blame on BP but says the government should do more. "It's way too slow of a response," he says. "That oil is still pouring in."

Besides fishing, Grand Isle survives on revenue from the tourists that pour into town for each of the 23 fishing rodeos held throughout the year. The first one, the Speckled Trout Rodeo, kicks off this Memorial Day weekend. But with the fishing grounds closed, it's unclear whether people will come just for the party.

Arthur Bradberry, owner of Artie's Sports Bar, says his business has dropped more than half since the spill began.

"They're all running around here and no one seems to know what's going on," he says of the federal and BP officials. "They should've done more from the start. They waited too late. Now, of course, they all want to blame each other."

Contributing: Peter Eisler and Donna Leinwand

Monday, May 31, 2010

The Path to Recovery

http://www.theatlantic.com/special-report/the-future-of-the-city/archive/2010/05/the-path-to-recovery/56393/

The Path to Recovery
May 7 2010
Richard Florida

Economic peaks and valleys are part of the life cycle of any society. They can be difficult, sometimes horribly painful, but just as trees shed their leaves in the fall to make room for the new growth of spring, economies reset themselves. Times of crisis reveal what is and isn't working. These are the times when obsolete and dysfunctional systems and practices collapse or fall by the wayside. They are the times when the seeds of innovation and invention, of creativity and entrepreneurship, burst into full flower, enabling recovery by remaking both the economy and society. Major periods of economic transformation, such as the Great Depression or the Long Depression of the 1870s before it, unfold over long stretches of time, like motion pictures rather than snapshots. Likewise, the path to recovery can be long and twisted--the better part of three decades in the case of those two previous crises. Seen in the greater context of history, economic crises inevitably give rise to critical periods in which an economy is remade in ways that allow it to recover and begin growing again. These are periods I call Great Resets.

We're still very early on in the current economic Reset, so it's difficult to fully grasp how it will ultimately play out. But we can all sense that our way of life is changing and our economic landscape is too. This emerging new way of life will be less oriented around cars, houses, and suburbs. We'll be spending relatively less on the things that defined the old way of life. We'll have to, if we expect to have money left over to sustain the new industries that will emerge in the Great Reset and usher in an age of renewed prosperity. Before we can nurture the new industries of the future, develop new forms of health care and biotechnologies, or even explore new forms of education or more experiential forms of entertainment and recreation, we first have to free up capital by producing the goods of the old industrial order more cheaply and efficiently.

We've reached the limits of what George W. Bush used to call the "ownership society." Owning your own home made sense when people could hope to hold a job for most or all of their lives. But in an economy that revolves around mobility and flexibility, a house that can't be sold becomes an economic trap, preventing people from moving freely to economic opportunity. Not only has that piece of the American Dream grown dark, but it's also clear that financial excess in the housing sector was one of the central causes of the economic crisis. Housing sucked up far too much of the nation's and the world's capital, and too many people--already overextended by the purchase of outsized houses--used those homes like virtual ATMs to finance carefree consumption. Every Great Reset has seen our system of housing change, and this one is no different. The rate of home ownership has been on the decline for some time now. Many of those who still choose to buy homes will choose smaller ones, while many more will opt for rental housing.

Our new way of life is likely to depend a whole lot less on the car. In October 2009, The New York Times reported, "The recession and a growing awareness of the environment are causing many people to reassess their automobile ownership. After more than a century in which an automobile represented the American dream, car enthusiasm may no longer be a part of Americans' DNA." Car culture no longer exerts the powerful pull it once did. More and more families are deciding to share cars, and young people are putting off buying them and using public transit, bikes, their feet or Zipcars (membership-based, easy-access short-term car rentals) instead. It's not just that oil and gas have become expensive, it's that traffic and gridlock have become a deadweight time cost on us and our economy.

One constant in the history of capitalism is the ever-more-intensive use of land, as mercantile towns replaced agricultural villages, major industrial cities replaced those towns, and massive complexes of suburbs, exurbs, and edge cites expanded the boundaries of those cities. The change we are living through is much more than a movement from suburbs to denser urban communities. What we are seeing is the rise of a new, bigger, and denser economic landscape than ever before--the rise of vast megaregions such as the corridors stretching from Boston to New York and Washington, D.C., around greater London, and from Shanghai to Beijing. These concentrations of population, which encompass several cities and their surrounding suburban rings, have grown swiftly in recent years.

The largest megaregion in North America is the great "Bos-Wash" corridor, initially identified by the geographer Jean Gottmann. Strecthing down the East Coast, it includes Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington, D.C., and is home to more than 50 million people while producing more than $2 trillion in economic activity. Its economic output is greater than that of either the United Kingdom or France and more than double that of India or Canada. The second biggest, which Gottman dubbed "Chi-Pitts," covers more than 100,000 square miles and is home to 46 million people, producing $1.6 trillion in economic output. Other megaregions in North America include:

•Char-lanta: Atlanta, Charlotte, and Raleigh-Durham, 22 million people
•So-Cal: Around Los Angeles, 21 million people
•Tor-Mon-tawa: 22 million people
•Nor-Cal: Around San Francisco, 12.8 million people
•So-Flo: Miami, Orlando, and Tampa, 15 million people
•Dal-Austin: Dallas and Austin, 10 million people
•Hou-Orleans: Houston and New Orleans, 9.7 million people
•Cascadia: Seattle, Portland, and Vancouver, 9 million people
•Pho-Tus: Phoenix and Tucson, 4.7 million people
•Den-Bo: Denver and Boulder, 3.7 million people

Around the world, London, Amsterdam, Tokyo, Shanghai, and Mumbai are hubs of giant megaregions. Each of these is a financial and commercial center with tens of millions of people and hundreds of billions of dollars in output.

These megaregions, not nations, really power the global economy. Taken together, the world's 40 largest megaregions account for two-thirds of all global economic activity and 85 percent of the world's technological innovation while housing just 18 percent of its population. Megaregions are the strategic power centers of the economy, housing 85 percent of all corporate headquarters in the United States and Canada.

Though many analysts have predicted that the importance of cities--and that of location--would fade with globalization, the reality is that cities and megaregions have become more important economically than ever before. Even as globalization has spread factories, businesses, and laboratories to places such as India, China, Brazil, and beyond, these activities are being concentrated in the megaregions of those countries. Contrary to the notion that the world is flat, the most successful megaregions, in fact, are becoming economically stronger and spikier, not flatter.

Megaregions are to our time what suburbanization was to the postwar era. They provide the seeds of a new spatial fix. They expand and intensify our use of land and space the way that the industrial city did during the First Reset and suburbia did in the Second. As people pour into the world's great megaregions, inner cities and close-in suburbs are being reclaimed and rebuilt. Older suburbs, especially those on transit routes, are being reorganized and rebuilt into denser communities offering more condos and town houses as well as single-family homes. Suburban malls and office complexes are being retrofitted and turned into walkable areas with a mixture of housing, shops, and restaurants and in some cases even new parks. Subways and rail transit are being expanded as highways clog.

The location decisions made by new college grads have interested me for years. Their choices involve evaluating not just the company they'll work for but the labor market it's located in and what the surrounding area has to offer. Because they are both highly skilled and highly mobile--three to five times as likely to move than, say, a 45-year-old--the decisions they make about where to live are likely to leave a lasting imprint on our economic geography.

To get at the factors that attract and keep young Gen Y members, those born between the years 1979 and 1990, in certain places, my colleague Charlotta Mellander and I analyzed the results of a Gallup survey of some 28,000 Americans. Jobs are clearly important. Gen Y members ranked the availability of jobs second when asked what would keep them in their current location and fourth in terms of their overall satisfaction with their community. From this perspective, big cities make sense for them, as they offer more robust labor markets with more and better job opportunities in a wide number of fields. In an age in which corporate commitment has dwindled, job tenure has grown far shorter, and people switch jobs with much greater frequency, career success involves a great deal more than simply finding the right first job. In these highly mobile and economically tumultuous times, career success for young people depends on locating themselves in a thick labor market that offers diverse and abundant job opportunities. Picking an economically vibrant location is an important hedge against economic uncertainty and the risk of layoff.

But remember that jobs were not the highest-ranked factor. Across the board, the survey respondents said that the ability to meet people and make friends was of paramount importance. These young people intuitively understand what economic sociologists have documented: that vibrant social networks are key to landing jobs, moving forward in your career, and securing personal happiness. They not only desire a thick labor market but also seek what I have come to call a thick mating market, where they can meet new people, go out on dates, and eventually find a life partner. And whereas older Americans see high-quality schools and safe streets for their children as key, Gen Y understandably ranks the availability of outstanding colleges and universities higher. Many are likely to go back to graduate school and want to have good programs nearby. For all these reasons, big cities at the heart of megaregions top the list of their choices.

The auto-dependent transportation system has reached its limit in most major cities and megaregions. Commuting by car is among the least efficient of all our activities--not to mention among the least enjoyable, according to detailed research by the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daniel Kahneman and his colleagues. Though one might think that the crisis would have reduced traffic (high unemployment means fewer workers traveling to and from work), the opposite has been true. Average commutes have lengthened, and congestion has gotten worse, if anything. The average commute rose in 2008 to 25.5 minutes, "erasing years of decreases to stand at the level of 2000, as people had to leave home earlier in the morning to pick up friends for their ride to work or to catch a bus or subway train," according to the U.S. Census Bureau, which collects the figures. And those are average figures. Commutes are far longer in the big West Coast cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and the East Coast cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and D.C. In many of these cities, gridlock has become the norm, not just at rush hour but all day, every day.

Just about the only remedy for traffic congestion anyone ever suggests is building more roads and highways, which of course only makes the problem worse. New roads generate higher levels of "induced traffic," that is, new roads just invite drivers to drive more and lure people who take mass transit back to their cars. Eventually, we end up with more clogged roads rather than a long-term improvement in traffic flow

More and more people are choosing to take the subway, train, or bus or even walk or bike to work and go about their daily business--providing they live in an environment that allows for such choices. In Manhattan, 82 percent of workers get to work by public transit or bicycle or on foot. That's ten times the rate for Americans in general, eight times the rate for workers in Los Angeles County, and 16 times the rate for residents of metropolitan Atlanta. The New York City subway is a remarkably effective technology for moving masses of people around quickly and efficiently. Between 8 and 9 in the morning on a typical workday, more than 385,000 people use its subway system to commute into the central business district.

New York is not the only place where this kind of change in commuting and local traffic patterns is occurring. In Washington, D.C., 57 percent of commuters get to work by means other than driving a car--more than a third take public transit, 12 percent walk to work, and 2 percent ride their bikes; just four in ten drive to work alone. In Boston and San Francisco, roughly half of workers get to work without their cars--roughly a third of commuters take transit, and 10 to 15 percent walk to work. In Philadelphia, 41 percent commute without cars and 27 percent take transit.

These numbers may seem like a drop in the bucket. But 60 percent of Americans surveyed in 2005 said they want to live in walkable communities with shops, restaurants, movie theaters, schools, and churches nearby. We're already seeing the shift as increasing numbers of people move to walkable communities closer to where they work. That will clearly expand in coming decades.

For the time being, most Americans remain behind the wheel. Today, more than three-quarters of Americans drive to work alone. They have no other choice. There are, however, other things we can do to ease congestion and take more cars off the road. Employers can offer more flexible schedules and the ability to work from home or telecommute. But as we've already seen, in many cities traffic is not just a rush-hour problem. The only alternative left is to price the roads. We pay for everything else: we pay to take the subway, ride the bus, or take the train, we pay to drive through the Lincoln and Holland Tunnels or over the George Washington Bridge. Why should the roads be essentially free? If we want to make traffic better, we have little choice other than to make people pay for the roads they drive on.

Richard Florida is director of the Martin Prosperity Institute at the University of Toronto. Adapted from THE GREAT RESET: How New Ways of Living and Working Drive Post-Crash Prosperity by Richard Florida. Copyright 2010 by Richard Florida. Reprinted by arrangement with Harper, an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers.

Sunday, May 30, 2010

Cleaning oil-soaked wetlands may be impossible

http://www.seattlepi.com/business/1310ap_us_oil_spill_impossible_cleanup.html

Cleaning oil-soaked wetlands may be impossible
By MATTHEW BROWN
ASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER
May 22, 2010

NEW ORLEANS -- The gooey oil washing into the maze of marshes along the Gulf Coast could prove impossible to remove, leaving a toxic stew lethal to fish and wildlife, government officials and independent scientists said.

Officials are considering some drastic and risky solutions: They could set the wetlands on fire or flood areas in hopes of floating out the oil.

They warn an aggressive cleanup could ruin the marshes and do more harm than good. The only viable option for many impacted areas is to do nothing and let nature break down the spill.

More than 50 miles of Louisiana's delicate shoreline already have been soiled by the massive slick unleashed after the Deepwater Horizon rig burned and sank last month. Officials fear oil eventually could invade wetlands and beaches from Texas to Florida. Louisiana is expected to be hit hardest.

On Saturday, a major pelican rookery was awash in oil off Louisiana's coast. Hundreds of birds nest on the island, and an Associated Press photographer saw some birds and their eggs stained with the ooze. Nests were perched in mangroves directly above patches of crude.

Plaquemines Parish workers put booms around the island, but puddles of oil were inside the barrier.

"Oil in the marshes is the worst-case scenario," said Coast Guard Adm. Thad Allen, the head of the federal effort to contain and clean up the spill.

Also Saturday, BP told federal regulators it plans to continue using a contentious chemical dispersant, despite orders from the Environmental Protection Agency to look for less toxic alternatives. BP said in a letter to the EPA that Corexit 9500 "remains the best option for subsea application."

The EPA didn't immediately comment on BP's decision.

Oil that has rolled into shoreline wetlands coats the stalks and leaves of plants such as roseau cane - the fabric that holds together an ecosystem that is essential to the region's fishing industry and a much-needed buffer against Gulf hurricanes. Soon, oil will smother those plants and choke off their supply of air and nutrients.

In some eddies and protected inlets, the ochre-colored crude has pooled beneath the water's surface, forming clumps several inches deep.

With the seafloor leak still gushing at least hundreds of thousands of gallons a day, the damage is only getting worse. Millions of gallons already have leaked so far.

Coast Guard officials said the spill's impact now stretches across a 150-mile swath, from Dauphin Island, Ala. to Grand Isle, La.

Over time, experts say weather and natural microbes will break down most of the oil. However, the crude will surely poison plants and wildlife in the months - even years - it will take for the syrupy muck to dissipate.

Back in 1989, crews fighting the Exxon Valdez tanker spill - which unleashed almost 11 million gallons of oil into Alaska's Prince William Sound - used pressure hoses and rakes to clean the shores. The Gulf Coast is just too fragile for that: those tactics could blast apart the peat-like soils that hold the marshes together.

Hundreds of miles of bayous and man-made canals crisscross the coast's exterior, offering numerous entry points for the crude. Access is difficult and time-intensive, even in the best of circumstances.

"Just the compaction of humanity bringing equipment in, walking on them, will kill them," said David White, a wetlands ecologist from Loyola University in New Orleans.

Marshes offer a vital line of defense against Gulf storms, blunting their fury before they hit populated areas. Louisiana and the federal government have spent hundreds of millions of dollars rebuilding barriers that were wiped out by hurricanes, notably Katrina in 2005.

They also act as nursery grounds for shrimp, crabs, oysters - the backbone of the region's fishing industry. Hundreds of thousands of migratory birds nest in the wetlands' inner reaches, a complex network of bayous, bays and man-made canals.

To keep oil from pushing deep into Louisiana's marshes, Gov. Bobby Jindal and officials from several coastal parishes want permission to erect a $350 million network of sand berms linking the state's barrier islands and headlands.

That plan is awaiting approval from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.

After surveying oil-stricken areas Saturday, Plaquemines Parish President Billy Nungesser said the berms were the marshes' last hope.

"It's getting in between all the cane and it's working through from one bayou to the next," he said.

Smaller spills have been occurring in the marshes for decades. In the past, cleanup crews would sometimes slice out oiled vegetation and take it to a landfill, said Andy Nyman with Louisiana State University.

But with the plants gone, water from the gulf would roll in and wash away the roots, turning wetlands to open water.

Adm. Allen said that where conditions are right, crews could set fire to oil-coated plants.

Nyman and other experts, though, warn it's tricky. If the marsh is too wet, the oil won't burn. Too dry, the roots burn and the marsh can be ruined.

BP PLC - which leased the sunken rig and is responsible for the cleanup - said Saturday that cleanup crews have started more direct cleanup methods along Pass a Loutre in Plaquemines Parish. Shallow water skimmers were attempting to remove the oil from the top of the marsh.

Streams of water could later be used in a bid to wash oil from between cane stalks.

In other cases, the company will rely on "bioremediation" - letting oil-eating microbes do the work.

"Nature has a way of helping the situation," said BP spokesman John Curry.

But Nyman said the dispersants could slow the microbes from breaking down the oil.

White, the Loyola scientist, predicted at least short-term ruin for some of the wetlands he's been studying for three decades. Under a worst-case scenario, he said the damage could exceed the 217 square miles of wetlands lost during the 2005 hurricane season.

"When I say that my stomach turns," he said.